24 October, 2010

Artigo interessante da revista britânica The Economist. Leitura obrigatória pra todo mundo que ainda nutre um sentimento anti-corporativo típico da esquerda do Brasil.

Companies aren’t charities

In poor countries the problem is not that businesses are unethical but that there are too few of them

STEVE COOGAN, a British comedian, once told a joke about David Beckham, a footballer who is unlikely to win a Nobel prize for physics: “They say, ‘Oh, David Beckham—he’s not very clever.’ Yeah. They don’t say, ‘Stephen Hawking—shit at football.’” Successful corporations are like Mr Beckham. Both excel at one thing: in Mr Beckham’s case, kicking a ball; in the corporations’ case, making profits. They may also be reasonably adept at other things, such as modelling sunglasses or forming task forces to solve environmental problems. But their chief contribution to society comes from their area of specialisation.

Ann Bernstein, the head of a South African think-tank called the Centre for Development and Enterprise, thinks that advocates of corporate social responsibility (CSR) tend to miss this point. In her new book, “The Case for Business in Developing Economies”, she stresses the ways companies benefit society simply by going about their normal business. In a free and competitive market, firms profit by selling goods or services to willing customers. To stay in business, they must offer lower prices or higher quality than their competitors. Those that fail disappear. Those that succeed spread prosperity. Shareholders receive dividends. Employees earn wages. Suppliers win contracts. Ordinary people gain access to luxuries that would have made Cecil Rhodes gasp, such as television, air-conditioning and antibiotics.

These are not new arguments, but Ms Bernstein makes them fresh by writing from an African perspective. Citizens of rich countries often fret about the occasional harm that corporations do, yet take for granted the prosperity they create. People in developing countries do not have that luxury.

In South Africa, where more than a third of the workforce is jobless, the problem is not that corporations are unethical but that there are not enough of them. One reason is that South Africa’s leaders blithely heap social responsibilities on corporate shoulders. Strict environmental laws cause long delays in building homes. This is nice for endangered butterflies, but tough for South Africans who live in shacks. Such laws also slow the construction of power plants, contributing to the rolling blackouts that crippled South Africa in 2008. South African labour laws make it hard to fire workers, which deters companies from hiring them in the first place. And a programme of “Black Economic Empowerment”, which pressures firms to transfer shares to blacks, has made a few well-connected people rich while discouraging investment. Ms Bernstein ducks this last topic, which is highly sensitive in her home country.

Sometimes the pressure on business to solve social problems comes, not from governments, but from non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Ms Bernstein cites the example of a pipeline that Exxon built in Chad. The giant oil firm spent six years trying to figure out the best way to comply with the “Equator principles”, an ambitious set of goals for avoiding harm to nature and indigenous people. Exxon strained every sinew to preserve gorillas’ habitat and compensate displaced villagers. Yet NGOs still mounted a furious campaign condemning it. “Many reasonable companies must surely have concluded…that investment in poor countries is not worth the effort,” sighs Ms Bernstein.

Anti-corporate activists sometimes claim that big companies are mightier than governments. This is absurd. Governments can pass laws, raise taxes and declare war. Companies have virtually no powers of coercion. If people do not voluntarily buy their products, they go bankrupt. Business is thus extremely sensitive to public opinion. This is often a good thing. Ms Bernstein cites the example of white-owned shops in South Africa under apartheid. When black shoppers started boycotting them, “it was remarkable how rapidly most white shop owners were prepared to ditch racist practices.” Yet companies can also be bullied into doing the wrong thing. When multinationals bow to pressure from campaigners against “sweatshops” and sever links with suppliers in poor countries, the workers who previously stitched shoes for export may end up scavenging from rubbish heaps.


Accountable to all means accountable to none

Advocates of CSR argue that firms should pursue the “triple bottom line”: not only profits, but also environmental protection and social justice. This notion, if taken seriously, is “incomprehensible”, says Ms Bernstein. Profits are easy to measure. The many and often conflicting demands of a local community are not. A business that is accountable to all is in effect accountable to no one, says Ms Bernstein.

She does not take the absolutist view that companies should strive only to maximise profits while obeying the rules. In poor countries, the rules are often unclear. Multinationals will face choices where what is locally acceptable would be criminal back home. Obviously, they should err on the side of rectitude, but it is far from obvious where to draw the line. In the most benighted areas they will sometimes build roads and schools to keep the locals friendly. They will brag about such acts, but they are simply a cost of doing business, not an instance of corporate altruism.

Ms Bernstein glosses over the innovative work a few companies have done in integrating CSR into their strategy, and she is better at identifying problems than offering solutions. She urges businesses to defend capitalism as energetically as they promote their own products. She thinks companies should provide incentives for market-oriented journalism, films and even novels. Good luck with that. Businesses strenuously lobby for particular favours from government, and chambers of commerce campaign for lighter regulation. But the companies that are so brilliant at selling the fruits of capitalism—from iPads to medicine—are seldom much good at popularising the system that yields them.

19 October, 2010

Salário Mínimo: A idéia de que leis podem melhorar a qualidade de vida das pessoas.

Se os melhores livros são aqueles que te dizem o que você já sabe, o "Economics in One Lesson", escrito por Henry Hazlitt é com certeza o melhor livro de todos os tempos. Abaixo o trecho sobre o salário mínimo:


MINIMUM WAGE LAWS


We have already seen some of the harmful results of arbitrary governmental efforts to raise the price of favored commodities. The same sort of harmful results follows efforts to raise wages through minimum wage laws. This ought not to be surprising; for a wage is, in fact, a price. It is unfortunate for clarity of economic thinking that the price of labor's services should have received an entirely different name from other prices. This has prevented most people from recognizing that the same principles govern both.

Thinking has become so emotional and so politically biased on the subject of wages that in most discussions of them the plainest principles are ignored. People who would be among the first to deny that prosperity could be brought about by artificially boosting prices, people who would be among the first to point out that minimum price laws might be most harmful to the very industries they were designed to help, will nevertheless advocate minimum wage laws, and denounce opponents of them, without misgivings.

Yet it ought to be clear that a minimum wage law is, at best, a limited weapon for combating the evil of low wages, and that the possible good to he achieved by such a law can exceed the possible harm only in proportion as its aims are modest. The more ambitious such a law is, the larger the number of workers it attempts to cover, and the more it attempts to raise their wages, the more likely are its harmful effects to exceed its good effect.

The first thing that happens, for example, when a law is passed that no one shall he paid less than $30 for a forty-hour week is that no one who is not worth $30 a week to an employer will he employed at all. You cannot make a man worth a given amount by making it illegal for anyone to offer him anything less. You merely deprive him of the right to earn the amount that his abilities and situation would permit him to earn, while you deprive the community even of the moderate services that he is capable of rendering. In brief, for a low wage you substitute unemployment. You do harm all around, with no comparable compensation.

The only exception to this occurs when a group of workers is receiving a wage actually below its market worth. This is likely to happen only in special circumstances or localities where competitive forces do not operate freely or adequately; but nearly all these special cases could he remedied just as effectively, more flexibly and with far less potential harm, by unionization.

It may he thought that if the law forces the payment of a higher wage in a given industry, that industry can then charge higher prices for its product, so that the burden of paying the higher wage is merely shifted to consumers. Such shifts, however, are not easily made, nor are the consequences of artificial wage-raising so easily escaped. A higher price for the product may not be possible: it may merely drive consumers to some substitute. Or, if consumers continue to buy the product of the industry in which wages have been raised, the higher price will cause them to buy less of it. While some workers in the industry will be benefited from the higher wage, therefore, others will he thrown out of employment altogether. On the other hand, if the price of the product is marginal producers in the industry will be driven out of business; so that reduced production and consequent unemployment will merely be brought about in another way.

When such consequences are pointed nut, there are a group of people who reply: "Very well; if it is true that the X industry cannot exist except by paying starvation wages, then it will be just as well if the minimum wage puts it out of existence altogether." But this brave pronouncement overlooks the realities. It overlooks, first of all, that consumers will suffer the loss of that product. It forgets, in the second place, that it is merely condemning the people who worked in that industry to unemployment. And it ignores, finally, that bad as were the wages paid in the X industry, they were the best among all the alternatives that seemed open to the workers in that industry; otherwise the workers would have gone into another. If, therefore, the X industry is driven out of existence by a minimum wage law, then the workers previously employed in that industry will be forced to turn to alternative courses that seemed less attractive to them in the first place. Their competition for jobs will drive down the pay offered even in these alternative occupations. There is no escape from the conclusion that the minimum wage will increase unemployment.



Alguém por favor mande esse livro de presente para todos os políticos de Brasília.

15 October, 2010

"Mitos sobre economia" ou "Mentiras do seu professor de geografia"

Desde que comecei a estudar, nas minhas horas vagas, macro economia, me deparei com conceitos e idéias que contrariavam tudo o que o haviam me ensinado até então. Desde meus professores de geografia, ensinando o que eles chamavam de "geopolítica" até propagandas políticas que aparecem na TV durante as eleições (como agora). Para os eventuais leitores desse patético Blog, nos próximos posts vou compilar uma modesta lista das idéias mais contra-intuitivas nas quais me deparei.

1) Tarifas alfandegárias não mudam a balança comercial.

O mito

Imagine que você é o líder supremo da república das bananas e todos os anos se depara com um dado incontestável: Seu país importa mais do que exporta. Na tentativa de reverter essa situação você tem uma idéia brilhante: cobrar impostos dos produtos estrangeiros. Além de aumentar o dinheiro nas mãos dos cofres públicos (bancando assim o seu sistema de governo ditatorial que não respeita os direitos humanos) essa medida vai encarecer os produtos estrangeiros, fazendo com que os consumidores do seu país prefiram comprar mercadorias locais: problema resolvido.

A verdade

Não iria funcionar. Eu poderia citar aqui vários artigos acadêmicos com um monte de matemática pesada, gráficos e fits lineares, mas eu vou me ater à simples lógica e ao senso comum.
Imagine-se comprando um iPhone importado na loja da Apple mais próxima. Tenho certeza que, sendo brasileiro, você pagaria em reais. Esse dinheiro que você pagou não tem utilidade nenhuma para a Apple a não ser para comprar produtos brasileiros ou para investimento em terras tupiniquins.
Essa é a grande sacada. Todo dinheiro arrecadado pelos estrangeiros no nosso país tem que ser gasto aqui, pelo simples motivo de que nosso dinheiro não tem valor em nenhum outro lugar. Assim, uma diminuição nas importações, através de tarifas alfandegárias também diminui a quantidade de dinheiro nacional nas mãos de estrangeiros, diminuindo as exportações e mantendo a balança comercial na mesma posição.
Então como é possível uma balança comercial diferente de zero? É aí que entra a idéia de investimentos. Um país que exporta mais do que importa mostra que os estrangeiros estão usando seu dinheiro não para consumir bens do país em questão, mas para investir nele. Uma balança comercial "desfavorável" significa na verdade uma alta taxa de investimento estrangeiro, o que pode ser bom ou ruim, dependendo da situação.
Por outro lado, uma balança comercial "favorável" significa que os habitantes da sua república das bananas acha que investir no exterior é uma boa idéia. De novo, isso pode ser bom ou ruim.
Excetuando-se casos em que os governantes não sabem o que estão fazendo (caso do Brasil) os países em desenvolvimento em geral tem uma balança comercial "desfavorável" exatamente por causa do alto nível de investimento estrangeiro. Aqui sim incentivos fiscais podem fazer diferença, como fazem no Brasil, afastando capital estrangeiro.

As conseqüências

Se as pessoas soubessem disso, a Alca teria sido aprovada, o Mercosul seria mais forte e o mercado mundial em geral mais aberto e mais produtivo.


Reforma

Vou ressuscitar e mudar o enfoque deste Blog. Pretendo voltar a postar pelo menos uma vez por mês com qualquer idéia que eu tenha no momento, ou até mesmo se não tiver nenhuma. Além de tentar aplicar às crases corretamente.